MIAMI (AP) 鈥 In the sordid annals of Colombia鈥檚 underworld, Diego Mar铆n stood out as the ultimate survivor.
Time and again, the reputed henchman for the Cali cartel evaded capture 鈥 or worse fates 鈥 as he built a money-laundering network stretching across four continents. He did so, authorities have alleged, with ruthlessness, street smarts and a willingness to bribe a slew of South American police officers and politicians.
All the while, Mar铆n had an even more powerful ally in his corner: the .
For years, the elite narcotics agency claimed it was investigating the Colombian importer, telling the U.S. Justice Department he was among DEA鈥檚 top targets. In reality, the relationship was more fraught, with Mar铆n briefly signed up as an informant even as he with a movable feast of prostitutes, fine dining and expensive gifts, an Associated Press investigation found.
In return, at least one of those agents helped Mar铆n launder money and smuggle contraband 鈥 throwing law enforcement off his tracks. As the DEA looked the other way, Mar铆n鈥檚 business flourished into a criminal empire that generated up to $100 million a year, according to the Internal Revenue Service.
The AP鈥檚 findings 鈥 based on interviews with current and former agents, as well as a trove of highly sensitive Justice Department files 鈥 offer an unprecedented glimpse into the fraud, shoddy oversight and profligate DEA spending that enabled Mar铆n鈥檚 ascent. The corruption was so extensive, the officials said, that it reminded them of one of the most infamous law enforcement scandals in U.S. history 鈥 the FBI鈥檚 unscrupulous dealings with , the Boston mob boss.
鈥淚t鈥檚 an embarrassment for the DEA,鈥 said retired Colombian Gen. Juan Carlos Buitrago, who spent years trying to take down Mar铆n only to see his own career derailed by the pursuit. 鈥淭hey ended up creating a monster.鈥
After decades in the shadows, Mar铆n has recently become front-page news in Colombia, where he’s been dubbed the 鈥淐ontraband Czar鈥 over that led to his arrest last year in Spain. Among the revelations aired in Colombian media: Mar铆n provided a private plane and an illegal $125,000 campaign donation to President Gustavo Petro.
Mar铆n attorneys declined to comment. The DEA did not respond to requests for comment.
The revelations are the for an agency at a crossroads under President Donald Trump. DEA agents already have been redirected to assist in immigration enforcement, and the Justice Department is considering merging the DEA with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives 鈥 a restructuring that could change how the U.S. fights the drug war.
鈥楿苍迟辞耻肠丑补产濒别鈥
Mar铆n, 62, learned to hustle from an early age. He was raised in Palestina, a western frontier town settled by devout Catholics who eked out a modest existence from the surrounding coffee farms. To help provide for his family, as a kid he sold candies in the town鈥檚 plaza.
It鈥檚 not precisely known how he got into the drug business. But it was sometime during Colombia鈥檚 bloody cocaine wars, an era popularized by drug lord Pablo Escobar鈥檚 infamous phrase of 鈥減lata o plomo鈥: money or bullets.
His first brush with the law came in 1993, when he was arrested on accusations of hiding dope money in Colombia-bound home appliances for the leaders of the Cali cartel, , Escobar鈥檚 main rivals. The evidence, obtained through wiretapped phone calls, tracked with DEA鈥檚 own intelligence at the time that Mar铆n was involved in drug trafficking, according to Colombian court records.
Colombian authorities declined to charge him and the case fell apart when a police officer 鈥 himself later convicted of leaking confidential information to the cartel 鈥 recanted his testimony against Mar铆n.
In the ensuing years, the U.S. government records show, Mar铆n sought to line the pockets of law enforcement. An FBI report from 2020 said Mar铆n 鈥減aid everyone off鈥 as he developed a niche in what’s known as trade-based money laundering, of hiding and moving drug proceeds through the use of offshore shell companies and misvalued cargo shipments.
Even as he amassed a fortune, Mar铆n was careful to eschew the narco bling of infamous drug lords. Few photographs are known to exist of him. He carefully avoided opening bank accounts and limited his electronic communications.
鈥淗e was pretty much untouchable,鈥 said Luis Sierra, a longtime U.S. criminal investigator who served as the Homeland Security Investigations attach茅 to Bogota. 鈥淗is tradecraft was compromising and corrupting Colombian 鈥 and even a few U.S. 鈥 officials.鈥
Buitrago, the Colombian general who investigated Mar铆n, said he obtained reliable intelligence that Mar铆n had offered $5 million to officials to have him ousted. Buitrago retired rather than accept an unwanted transfer.
鈥淭he message was clear: I had to get out of the way or I had to get out of the way,鈥 Buitrago said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 incalculable the number of institutions he co-opted.鈥
Over time, authorities said, those relationships helped Mar铆n emerge as a key money launderer to remnants of the defunct Cali cartel.
In that role, they said, contraband he smuggled would end up converted into pesos at Colombia鈥檚 ubiquitous 鈥淪an Andresitos鈥: informal shopping areas packed full of budget-priced electronics and appliances. The name is a play on the Colombian island of San Andres, a duty-free zone in the Caribbean.
That sophisticated system was starting to draw scrutiny from law enforcement when Mar铆n befriended an impressionable, up-and-coming DEA agent.
The corrupt agent
Special Agent Jos茅 Irizarry 鈥 a former air marshal from Puerto Rico hired by the DEA in 2009 despite 鈥 landed a coveted overseas post in Cartagena, Colombia, in part because he was bilingual. He met Mar铆n in 2011, not long after the head of Colombia鈥檚 police publicly identified Mar铆n as a major smuggler.
The DEA鈥檚 elite Special Operations Division also had pegged Mar铆n as a major player. The agency even sought to classify him as a so-called Consolidated Priority Target, reserved for the most prolific drug traffickers and money launderers, according to hundreds of pages of Justice Department reports obtained by the AP. The investigative records, which include FBI interview notes, internal DEA memos and private text messages among agents, show Mar铆n had been on the radar of at least five federal law enforcement agencies by the time Irizarry was charged.
But Irizarry believed Mar铆n could be more valuable as an informant. 鈥淢ar铆n would come over and they would play cards and have girls over,鈥 according to an investigative IRS report. The meetings in Colombia were the first of many that would flout DEA rules forbidding agents from socializing with informants.
Soon, the government records show, Mar铆n tried to compromise the DEA, showering Irizarry with expensive Hublot watches, luxury cars and a $750,000 condo.
Instead of providing Irizarry with intelligence, Mar铆n gave him a Tiffany ring for his Colombian wife, as well as $5,000 in cash so the agent could buy a gift for his mistress. One internal government record said Mar铆n 鈥渧iewed Irizarry like a son.鈥
Irizarry began protecting Mar铆n and his organization, signing him up as an informant in 2013. 鈥淗e would pay me,鈥 Irizarry told the AP, 鈥渁nd if he ever needed me, he had me.鈥
Irizarry helped Mar铆n expand his empire, the government records show, by steering undercover DEA wire transfers to his associates, providing safe passage for containers full of contraband and even seeking to throw off other federal agencies.
Once, the records show, Irizarry told a suspicious federal investigator that 鈥減eople make up stories about Mar铆n,鈥 calling him an 鈥渙pen book.鈥
鈥榃hite Wash鈥
Irizarry avoided suspicion in part by exploiting a that long lacked proper oversight.
That tool, known as an Attorney General Exempt Operation, or AGEO, gives DEA authority to launder money on behalf of cartels with the goal of carrying out major seizures and arrests. Like actual money launderers, the DEA charges hefty commissions for the transactions 鈥 money that agents can spend more freely than government funds.
The DEA has long refused to discuss the stings, which involve setting up front companies, buying property and making wire transfers on behalf of cartels. But internal records show the number of such money laundering operations ballooned at one point to 53 around the country.
In 2011, Irizarry and other agents launched an AGEO to target Mar铆n. In a memo spelling out the operation, they wrote to top Justice Department officials that they hoped to strike 鈥渁 devastating blow鈥 against Mar铆n, whom they described as a 鈥減rimary launderer鈥 and investor in cocaine shipments leaving Colombia. They gave the operation a now-ironic name: White Wash.
Mar铆n, however, was only a target on paper. And two years later, Irizarry and his Miami-based colleagues quietly converted him to an informant, a process that typically involves careful vetting and supervisory sign-off.
All the while, income generated by White Wash allowed Irizarry and other agents to party around the world with Mar铆n in what the agents described as a , drugs, prostitutes and high-end dining.
鈥淚t was a very fun game that we were playing,鈥 Irizarry said.
The debauchery also included tickets to premier tennis and soccer matches in Spain, Caribbean cruises on a yacht seized from drug traffickers and lap dances at a strip club in the Dominican Republic paid for by a hitman nicknamed Iguana. The same 鈥渟icario,鈥 Irizarry told authorities, boasted of killing 15 people on Mar铆n鈥檚 behalf.
The atmosphere was captured in a 42-second video clip obtained by the AP in which Mar铆n can be seen lording over booze-filled revelry at a Madrid restaurant.
鈥淚t鈥檚 your birthday, bro,鈥 an agent shouts to a colleague as a cellphone camera pans the private salon and a reggaeton beat livens the mood.
Also captured on camera is a longtime DEA informant who was charged last year in Texas with failing to pay taxes on more than $3.8 million in snitch money.
The clip was shot in April 2018, at the apex of Mar铆n鈥檚 power, when he had even become the godfather of Irizarry鈥檚 twins.
The agents running White Wash ultimately claimed that the operation generated 125 arrests and the seizure of $107 million in assets and nearly 9 tons of cocaine. However, a 216-page DEA audit in 2020 found White Wash鈥檚 statistics were wildly inflated, and a memo prepared for then-DEA Administrator Anne Milgram described the operation as a 鈥渕irage.鈥
For instance, a large chunk of the operation鈥檚 total seized assets 鈥 some $30 million 鈥 was attributed to two stolen Van Gogh paintings recovered by Italian investigators in the villa of notorious drug trafficker Raffaele Imperiale. In the end, the audit attributed just five convictions to White Wash.
White Wash seized only $1.3 million in illicit funds 鈥 a little more than the $900,000 tab DEA agents racked up in travel, according to the audit. Paid DEA informants helped hide much of the partying, as agents would falsely book unneeded hotel rooms and charge alcohol and dinners to them.
To this day, the U.S. government is unable to account for another $19 million in DEA-laundered funds tied to White Wash.
The fall
After so many years with so little oversight, Irizarry grew overconfident.
In 2016, he tried to block authorities in Colombia from seizing a container of Mar铆n鈥檚 that was later revealed to contain $3 million in contraband liquor, cigarettes and clothing. Irizarry falsely told U.S. customs officials the shipment was part of an undercover DEA operation, the government records show.
Within days, the U.S. ambassador to Colombia kicked him out of the country. Irizarry was indicted in 2020 and to 19 counts of money laundering. He鈥檚 now serving a more than 12-year federal sentence. None of his colleagues was charged, but more than a dozen were either disciplined or investigated.
鈥淚 messed up,鈥 Irizarry told the AP. 鈥淭he indictment paints a picture of me, the corrupt agent that did this entire scheme. But it doesn鈥檛 talk about the rest of DEA. I wasn鈥檛 the mastermind.鈥
Mar铆n鈥檚 good fortune also appears to have run out. Last year, he was arrested in Spain on a Colombian warrant over bribes he allegedly paid to three public officials to provide safe passage for dozens of containers arriving each week, some of them from China. After being released on bail, he fled to Portugal, where he was rearrested and is seeking asylum.
The allegations tying him to Petro, the Colombian president, recall some of the darkest episodes of that country鈥檚 long fight against cocaine and corruption. The money he鈥檚 accused of giving Petro鈥檚 2022 presidential campaign was received by a close aide, though the president has said he later ordered it returned.
鈥淚 know how hard Mar铆n fought to get to me,鈥 Petro said on X in February, 鈥渢hinking I was like the others.鈥
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Contact AP鈥檚 global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or
